5. Ghana's New Prophetism: Antecedents and Some Characteristic Features

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Introduction

In the last days, God said,

I will pour out my Spirit upon all people,

Your sons and daughters will prophesy,

Your young men will see visions,

And your old men will dream dreams.

In those days I will pour out my Spirit

Upon all my servants, men and women alike,

And they will prophesy (Acts 2: 17-18; cf. Joel 2:28-29).

(Life Application Study Bible: New Living Translation)

Underscoring the continual relevance, importance and all-encompassing nature of prophecy in the church, Michael Griffiths points out that “prophecy is the most commonly referred to of all the gifts. It comes in no less than seven lists….” In reference to the scripture text above he notes, “Peter is saying that Joel’s prophecy is now fulfilled. Notice that Peter has added the words ‘and they will prophesy’ not found in Joel, thus implying that the gift will be common among Christians, fulfilling the hopes of the Old Testament that ‘all God’s people should prophesy’ (Num. 11: 29)”.[1]

In Ghana, ripples of prophetism have characterised Christianity since the turn of the twentieth century. Yet this phenomenon is not restricted to the Ghanaian scene alone. In fact, it has been part of African Christianity ever since the faith was reintroduced into the continent by Western missionaries.[2] Today prophetic ministries have become more or less a ‘normal’ religious phenomenon. We find ‘prophets’ in both Classical Pentecostal churches, such as the Church of Pentecost (COP), and neo-Pentecostal churches. Yet Pentecostal prophetism still remains an ‘unexplored’ field that calls for serious scholarly investigation.

Prophetism poses a challenge and yet offers hope to Christianity due to its ability to respond to soteriological and pastoral needs amidst its ‘unexplained’ nature and ‘unconventional’ operations. Indeed, many are they who find problems with the ethos and theology of contemporary Ghanaian Pentecostal prophets. Pentecostal prophets are often accused of being pecuniary-motivated in their cause. Yet despite the criticisms, that include media reports, the phenomenon is becoming more and more appealing to many Ghanaians, Christians and non-Christians alike. One thing is clear. We do not have to pretend to be unconcerned with issues on prophetism. Neither should we think we can eradicate it simply because we have problems with it. As Opoku Onyinah has noted, the early Christian missionaries failed when they attempted to erase prophetism in both its traditional and ‘Christian’ versions from their converts.[3]

It may be stated here that biblical prophetism and Ghanaian Pentecostal prophetism share apparent similarities. Whereas the emphasis in Pentecostal prophetism may differ somewhat from OT prophetism the former tends to share similar trends with the latter. For in both cases there is ample evidence to show that the prophets sought or seek to provide solutions to the problems of their people in particular situations and periods of their history.

It is also important to state that, in responding to the material/physical and social needs of adherents, Pentecostal prophets unintentionally tend to exploit the existing Akan religio-cultural worldview. To better appreciate what really goes on in Ghanaian Pentecostal prophetic circles one needs to analyse the group and individual psychology of both clients and prophets. Therefore a study on Ghanaian Pentecostal prophetism demands an examination of its discernible trends that leads to the systematisation, analysis, formulation and evaluation of Ghanaian Pentecostal conception and practice of prophetism as dialectics of Biblical and Akan religio-cultural beliefs in response to the Ghanaian quest for meaning. This paper seeks to examine the featuresthat currently characterise Ghanaian Pentecostal prophetism. The question we ask is “what are some characteristics of contemporary Pentecostal prophetism in Ghanaian Christianity?”

Prophetic Antecedents in Ghana

Both Emmanuel K. Larbi[4] and Johnson Asamoah-Gyadu identify some prophetic figures as the precursors of Ghanaian Pentecostalism.[5] The two scholars agree that these prophets were characterised by the charisma they received from God in their encounter with the Holy Spirit. Similarly, Virginia Torvestad asserts that the charismatic powers of such leaders were transmitted to sub-leaders who had healing and prophesying abilities themselves.[6] These leaders proclaimed an all-powerful Christ to the people. Thus through their activities the then Gold Coast witnessed a strong and powerful prophetic and spiritual revival.

Two things are obvious in Ghanaian independent church history. Either the protagonists of the movement were rejected and/or branded as impostors by their mainline church fellowships or felt compelled to leave them to initiate a new work. Thus C.G. Baëta shows that Joseph Egyanka Appiah was compelled to abandon the Methodist Church as a teacher-catechist to initiate his own church, the Musama Disco Christo Church (MDCC), and build his ‘holy city’, Musano as a city for the faithfuls.[7]

Three out of the numerous prophets and prophetesses who pioneered and/or maintained African Initiated/Indigenious/Independent Churches (AICs) in Ghana were Prophets William Wadé Harris, John Swatson and Sampson Oppong. These have enjoyed some amount of scholarly research into their ministries in recent times.[8] To these may we add the ministries of such prophets as Jehu Appiah and Kwame Nkansah, etc.[9] Thus prophetism in Ghanaian Christianity is traceable to the AICs, the precursors of modern Pentecostalism, the latter continuing and perhaps improving on the former’s weaknesses and lapses. These strands in the Spirit movement operate on the premise that whatever works supernaturally in the church is of God irrespective of how it is achieved. But Pentecostal pragmatism can sometimes be problematic.

According to Opoku Onyinah this kind of pragmatism posed a major challenge in the 1950s to James McKeown, the Irish missionary-founder of the Church of Pentecost, when prophetism emerged in his organisation subsequent to the Latter Rain movement’s visit to that church.[10] The Latter Rain Evangelical Association was a North American revivalist Pentecostal group. This group led by one Dr. Thomas Wyatt visited the Apostolic Church in the Gold Coast and Nigeria in February 1953. The group’s visit brought great revival to the Gold Coast church. Not long after converts such as Brother Lawson emerged as prophet-healers in the church.

Different Pentecostal expressions in Ghana include what have been classified as Classical Pentecostalism, and neo-Pentecostalism, which in itself manifests in diverse expressions. Meanwhile the latest Pentecostal expression, since the arrival of Prophets Joseph Owusu-Bempah and Elisha Salifu Amoaku in the early 1990s, is what I call New Prophetic Churches (NPCs). It is generally acknowledged that Pentecostalism is the prevailing Christian expression with invasive impact on global Christianity.[11] Yet in Ghana today it may be correct to say that it is the prophetic ministry which is strongly making this assertion true. Pentecostal prophets do not restrict their operations to the country, but even beyond. They prophesy on migration issues and follow up with prophecies to guide and direct migrant clients in their lives in their lands of sojourns. Some travel to foreign lands, particularly, the West, for ministry. Of course, the pecuniary motivation cannot be denied. It is also true that this is one particular ministry that attracts most criticisms, accusations and suspicions. Prophets have been subject to public scrutiny and accused of being fraudsters, sexually immoral, competing with fellow prophets and using juju powers.

Prophetic Phases in Ghanaian Christianity

A phase is used here to denote the various stages of prophetic manifestations in Ghanaian Christianity. I maintain that the current prophetic manifestations in the country may well be described as the fifth phase of that phenomenon. The first phase of Christian prophetism occurred in the era of the AICs, traceable to the pioneering ministry of people such as Prophet Wade Harris, a Liberian who trekked the Nzema area of the then Western Province of the Gold Coast in 1914. Harris and other leaders like him prophesied, saw visions and offered spiritual directions to their clients, who came to them in search of spiritual relief from diseases, sicknesses, etc. This first phase of prophetism was followed by the emergence of Classical Pentecostalism, through the pioneering work of people such as Apostle Peter Anim. His faith-healing prayer group, Faith Tabernacle Church, began in 1917 after he read about faith-healing from American magazine, Sword of the Spirit. In 1923 the Spirit of God fell on Anim’s organisation like burning flames of fire in their small Asamankese chapel in the then Eastern Province of the Gold Coast.[12]

In the early 1950s some Pentecostal prophets like Brother Lawson and Prophet John Mensah emerged on Ghana’s religious scene. Both men used to be in McKeown’s organisation until they seceded to form their respective churches.[13] This prophetism is identifiably the second phase of Christian prophetism in Ghana.

In the 1970s the third phase of prophetism appeared, characterised by Ghana’s campus Christian fellowships. For instance, in his Ph.D thesis Evangelical Para-Church Movement in Ghanaian Christianity: (1950 to Early 1990s) Samuel Adubofour discusses the Inter-Hall Christian Fellowship of the (Kwame Nkrumah) University of Science and Technology, Kumasi. One of the protagonists, Kwabena Adu Baah, is reported to have stated that “‘prophecy’ was the excitement of the day”.[14] According to Adubofour the campus prophetism of the Inter-Hall Christian Fellowship “attracted reactions which range from derogatory remarks to outright condemnation”.[15] In fact, this phase of prophetism was experienced in the campus Christian fellowships of both second cycle and tertiary institutions. In the early 1980s it was to transfer to the public domain in the activities of the Town Fellowships. Consequently, the charismatic ministries (CMs) that eventually resulted from these campus and town fellowships gravitated around prophetic words, visions, dreams and directions of members and leaders.

The fourth phase of prophetism is traceable to the denominational prayer centres/camps in the Church of Pentecost (COP), among others, which came to prominence in the early 1980s. In Gifford’s view they filled the gaps in the faith gospel of the CMs. He asserts that since 1985 they have subsided, with the soteriological shift being now tilted toward the prophetic ministries of the CMs.[16] As Onyinah has shown, the problem with Gifford’s claim is that he fails to see these centres as places that catered for COP rather than Charismatic members’ existential needs. They were actually spiritual insulators against COP members’ ‘straying’ into the AICs’ healing gardens. Among the CMs it may be said that the emergent deliverance ministries provided the supernatural explanations for failings of the faith gospel claims. Again, evidence on the ground proves Gifford’s assertion partially incorrect. These centres still enjoy high patronage as a visit to any of them will show.

According to Onyinah these camps/centres arose in response to the witchdemonology of the 1980s and 90s - the synthesis of the practices and beliefs of African witchcraft and Western Christian concepts of demonology and exorcism.[17] These beliefs include affirmation of the reality of witchcraft, demons and gods, ancestral curses, and territorial spirits that need to be "mapped out." In order for people to be set free, special sessions of deliverance prayer are conducted.[18] They serve as ‘safe havens’ for a great majority of troubled and perplexed Ghanaians who resort to them for a special time of prayers in the expectation of receiving answers from God to their numerous existential needs and problems.[19]

According to Kwasi Addo Sampong the first prayer centre established in evangelical/Pentecostal circles is associated with the COP. However, it is uncertain which preceded the other, whether the Okanta Camp near Suhum or Maame Dede’s Prayer Camp at Kade, both in the Eastern Region of Ghana.[20] Indeed, the Christ Apostolic Church maintains that its Kwao Yeboah Prayer Camp at Brekumansu near Asamankese is the first prayer centre in Ghana’s Pentecostalism, predating either the Okanta Camp or Maame Dede’s Prayer Camp.[21] This particular camp, also called Owiredu Memorial Prayer Centre, has an interesting history. It is said to have been established in 1932 after prophet-evangelist Stephen Kwabena Owiredu received the Holy Spirit baptism with signs and wonders there. Stephen Owiredu had suffered multiple child mortality with his wife Madam Emma Oduraa. When one of his twin daughters, Yaa Ataa Atinwo, popularly called Maa Ataa, became critically ill to the point of death, he took his Bible and went into the woods to pray. He warned that he should not be sought for. He was resolute to get God bring his daughter back to life or he committed suicide. The child died at about 2.00pm on her mother’s laps who broke down in uncontrollable tears. Owiredu returned home after encountering the Spirit with shouts of ‘halleluyah, amen’. Upon taking his dead daughter from his wife he blessed water, dipped his Bible into it, raised it up and soberly said, ‘Lord, your will be done’. Then he splashed the water thrice on the child on the ground. There and then the child resurrected. Significantly, Maa Ataa, one of the narrators of the story, is still alive, a very old woman.

As Sampong points out the current growth and proliferation of these centres is perceived by many as a positive sign of engendering Christian evangelisation and revival in the country.[22] Both Onyinah and Larbi see the prayer camps/centres as places where people go to with various needs for supernatural succour via prayer and fasting.[23] Both agree that the activities at these centres gravitate around a key personality who is a prophet/prophetess or evangelist. On his part, Alfred Koduah proffers two main reasons for the proliferation of the prayer centers (camps): the Ghanaian traditional understanding of this-worldly soteriology and the consultative nature of the Ghanaian, which makes them “consult Christian faith healers and Pastors whenever they seem not to get ready answers through their normal prayers”.[24]

The Ghanaian traditional this-worldly salvation interprets life existentially. This means that to enjoy life requires negotiating all that impedes good life. Such impediments are often tied to spiritual causality such as the works of devils/witches and the use of bad medicine against innocent lives.[25] I have argued elsewhere that critical to both the traditional and Pentecostal prophetic worldviews is the causality of suffering in human life.[26] In both traditional religion and Pentecostalism there is a search for a “cosmological balance of power” that is made possible through the provision of a supernatural succour outside the believer.[27] For Pentecostalism the supernatural succour is in Jesus Christ, the redeemer of humanity. Through his redemption the believer is seated far above all intimidating satanic forces.[28] Consequently, the activities of these centres/camps are directed towards healing: spiritual, social, communal and material wellbeing.[29]

Though their initial existence dates back to the 1940s it was not until the 1980s that the prayer centres became prominent in the religious life of many Ghanaians. Therefore Onyinah sees them as “revived prayer camp(s)” in COP.[30] Again he associates their activities with those of the Deliverance Teams, Prayer Warriors and Prayer Towers set up by Para-church groups and other churches to cater for the ‘urgent’ needs of their followers.[31] Their patrons cut across the socio-religious divide: political personalities, the rich, the poor, Christians and non-Christians such as Muslims and traditional religionists.[32]

The fifth phase of prophetism began with the emergence of independent prophetic figures in the early 1990s. This was when a new crop of young Pentecostals arrived on the ecclesiastical scene. Among these were Prophets Elisha Salifu Amoako and Owusu-Bempah. Significantly, it was just when the prayer centres in COP numbered eight (by October 1993), and had begun assuming a nationwide popularity, that the prophetic ministries in neo-Pentecostalism were also beginning to emerge on a large scale.[33] The prophets/prophetesses of these prayer centres share a lot in common with the prophets within neo-Pentecostal Christianity today. While it is true that the former predate the latter their activities today are concurrent.

Today, it is not uncommon to hear of ‘prophet such and such’ organising a ‘prophetic’ service or to hear a ‘prophet’ speak on the airwaves. A significant feature of these prophetic services is the prophets’ belief in the omniscience of God and their own role in the supernatural delivery. For example, one Prophet Benjamin Akonnor’s Kingdom Word Chapel International presented “a 4 Day Prophetic Direction to know your future” with the invitation “Come and God will show you where you have to go”. This prophetic scene is not restricted to Ghanaian prophets alone. Even Nigerian ‘prophets’ take advantage of it as ‘A 5-Day Holy Ghost Revival’ service of Kingdom of Fire Chapel International, Accra, a church run by a Nigerian pastor Rev. Benjamin C. Elechi, presented fellow Nigerians to ‘reap’ into the Ghanaian prophetic harvest.[34]

Rationalising Prophetism

Broadly speaking, prophetism exists in African traditional religions where it operates through mediums, priests and diviners. Whereas priests/priestesses and mediums may provide information orally under spirit possession, diviners are able to foretell events by means of their divining skills and objects.

In Ghana, just like in many parts of Africa, many Christians and non-Christians desire to acquire information in response to their existential needs such as wealth, health, business, progress, education, marriage, promotion, foreign travels, etc. With their traditional African religiosity, they turn to people with powerful spiritual connection to elicit such relevant information. But society is fast changing; it is becoming more and more ‘Christianised’ and ‘civilised’. Hence, many of such people find it ‘unwholesome’ to visit the traditional sources for the requisite information. Therefore they prefer going to Christian prophets. Consequently, it is not surprising to meet even Muslims and other non-Christian believers in Pentecostal prophetic services. For instance, during my visit to Elder Andoh’s Down Town Prayer Centre at Kasoa there were Muslim clients among the new visitors who were asked to introduce themselves to the congregation.[35] Yet because of their particular modus operandi contemporary Pentecostal prophetism has elicited a lot of suspicions and doubts among Ghanaians.[36]

New Wine in Old Skins

Today, prophetism has become very prominent in Ghanaian Christianity because of the ‘quick’ solution it offers to its adherents/seekers. Many of these ministries or churches are initiated by semi-literates with virtually no Bible School education. These churches/ministries’ relationship with Western Christianity is indirect and filtered through the primary lens of indigenous spirituality. However, their leaders take great delight in undertaking foreign trips, particularly to the West; and many of these semi-literate or/illiterate prophets are beginning to conduct church services in English.

These churches present a revived or perhaps a refined form of the older AICs. For instance, their employment of ritualistic materials/acts is reminiscent of the AICs of yesteryears. Examples of such acts are the application of ‘anointing oil’, foot washing, altar-raising, possession-walking, atmospheric-prophetism and gate-breaking/building. Others are the use of blessed substances like ‘koko’ (a maize gruel eaten in Ghana) and whipping the devil with cane. Others still are shooting spiritual arrows and bombs against spiritual forces, hand clapping; causality diagnosis of diseases or calamities/problems, etc.

Although there seems to be a continual proliferation of these prophetic groups which would suggest their continual popularity, evidence on the ground seems to indicate that many Ghanaians are beginning to question the genuineness of their leaders. It is reasonable to think that the problem that the phenomenon seems to pose in the religious scene occasioned the conveyance of the “1^st National Prophetic Leadership Conference”, held at the Prayer Cathedral of the Christian Action Faith Ministries, in Accra from Sunday to Thursday (4^_8 June 2006).

Actually, this was not the first of such prophetic conferences to be held in the country. Indeed, way back in 1998 Rev. William Obeng-Darko organised a prophetic conference in Kumasi. The convener of the present programme, Bishop James Saah, the Resident Bishop of the host church, made it clear in his opening address that the conference was “not an inquisition or censorship on anybody”, but was intended “to offer mentorship”.[37] Notwithstanding his assurance one could surmise that underneath all the flowery speeches the organisers felt there was something seriously wrong with the phenomenon.

Music and Worship in Ghana’s New Prophetism

The place of music and worship in Ghanaian Pentecostal prophetism cannot be overemphasised. Indeed, Adubofour traces what he calls ‘contemporary gospel music’ movement to music groups formed by evangelical students in the late 1960s and early 1970s.[38] The continuous presence and importance of music in Pentecostal services is clearly and strongly underlined in both grassroots prophetic ministries of COP and the NPCs. In these ministries there is a conscious effort to employ good, soul-inspiring, spirit captivating music and worship to ‘tap’ into the spirit realm. This is aimed at ‘releasing’ the active presence of the Holy Spirit into the faith community. To some degree their livelier, spirit-filled and empowering worship revitalises and revolutionises Christianity.[39] Indeed, there is an appeal to OT prophetic ministries of Elisha and David whose employment of music and worship led to the manifestation and release of God’s Spirit in resolving serious existential problems of people (I Sam. 16:14-23; 2 Kings 3:14-20).

One would wonder why Pentecostal prophets are so enthused about music and worship. Prophet Stanley Nana Quagraine of the Family Bible Church at Mataheko in Accra provided an insight into this. He told the congregation: In this end-time the prophetic ministry thrives on music and worship. By these God speaks to individual worshippers. Music invokes the supernatural presence of God into the midst of worshippers. Music is indispensable to the power of God. Prophets of this end-time employ music and worship in their ministry greatly.[40]

By the ‘End-Time’ Ghanaian Pentecostal prophets tend to interpret the current charismatic manifestations in the church in continuity with the apostolic era. Consequently, they do not believe the gifts of the Holy Spirit have ceased with the passage of time. Against this background is their assertion that the church today must function and operate in the charismatic gifts which include prophetic gifts of words of knowledge and wisdom, and discerning of spirits. Nonetheless, Ghanaian Pentecostal prophets are not known to be date setters of the end of the age, the very thing that R. B. Y. Scott reminds the church to be wary of.[41]

It is not uncommon in a Pentecostal prophetic service to find a singer called upon to ‘prepare the ground and charge the spiritual atmosphere’ with ‘powerful’ worship songs before a prophet preaches. As Baëta has shown this ecstatic worship is also characteristic of the Spiritual Churches among whom the state of ecstasy is looked upon as the climax of religious experience. The Spiritual Churches actually believe that ecstatic worship makes possible the achievement of the human/divine contact and communication and reception of values. Exorcism, they believe, is connected to both and so they employ practically identical methods of inducing the desired state, that is, rhythmic and repetitious music with special forms of dancing.[42] Like the Spiritual Churches a typical prophetic service is approached with a sense of liberty as worshippers fully participate with all their energies in a kind of prophetic ecstasy.

A significant feature about prophetic praise and worship is that they afford a participative opportunity for new seekers/visitors. In Hebrew to ‘prophesy’ strongly suggests “to prophesy ecstatically”, but ecstasy here is more than being overcome with an emotion so powerful that self-control or reason may be suspended. This is because in OT prophetism: “Ecstasy arises not from mere emotional rapture but from the Spirit (i.e. ruach) of Yahweh which falls on a person, takes control of the centre of the self, and makes him an instrument of the divine will…In such a prophetic state unusual things happened…”[43]

In this Ghanaian Pentecostal prophetism soul-inspiring, Spirit-provoking worship not only provides the matrix for interpreting prophetic ministration but it also unlocks the secret and mystery that lie behind the prophets’ powerful anointed operations. Through worship the prophets dethrone and debase Satan and enthrone the Son of God in his rightful position as the only sovereign of all cosmic powers, authorities, principalities, thrones, dominions and names. Thus through their worship they translate Pauline cosmological conception of the victorious reigning Christ from the cosmic reality into the physical reality of humanity. Given this backdrop it becomes quite disturbing to hear allegations of some gospel musicians’ employment of occultism for ministerial excellence and popularity.[44]

We may have to excuse prophetic services of their ‘worldly’ ecstatic dances with the understanding that Israelite prophets transformed the ecstatic prophetism they borrowed from their neighbouring Canaanites to fit into their Yahwist worship. However, due to their lack of moderation prophetic worship services can be quite noisy which may underline the fragile relationship they tend to have with residents of the communities where they are located. Unfortunately, these churches often tend to misconstrue the ‘offended’ communities’ reactions as demonic and sometimes spend time to pray against and bind these supposed ‘forces of darkness’.

Prophetism’s Media Theology

According to V. Randall the communication media has a role in generating, facilitating and shaping the impact of religion in Third World politics.[45] Though his assessment bothers more on religio-political relationships it still offers some insight into the role of the media in Third World evangelisation. Indeed, Asamoah-Gyadu has well observed that the news media play significant role in the ministries of neo-Pentecostal preachers.[46]

Actually, the neo-Pentecostals were not the first to patronise the electronic media in their gospel dissemination. From the late 1970s to 1982 the Ghana Broadcasting Company-TV featured the American televangelist Oral Roberts every Sunday. The only difference is that neo-Pentecostals whose inspiration derives from American televangelists have learned to embrace “the techniques needed to propagate their message on a mass scale…” For them modern media technologies are evangelistic facilitators, weapons for spiritual warfare and have “ontological relevance”.[47]

Moreover, it is not only the Word of Faith or Deliverance strands of neo-Pentecostalism which are ‘exploiting’ the media to their fullest advantage. In fact, it seems that the prophets of the new ‘wave’ are beginning to take the lead in recent times. Notable among the radio stations are the Channel of Righteousness (Channel R), Peace FM, Adom FM and Sunny FM as well as many others in Accra. There are also television stations such as the Metro TV, TV 3, TV Africa and GTV all in Accra. But this phenomenon is not restrictive to Accra. As a matter of fact it cuts across the entire nation. The most current prophetic sensations are Prophets ‘Opambour’ Ebenezer Adarkwa-Yiadom (Prophet One), Daniel Obinim, Chief Mensah, Bishop TT, Akwasi Sarpong, Marfred Acheampong and Isaac Anto. Again, it is not even restricted to Pentecostals; AIC prophets take their fair share in this radio evangelisation.

A notable thing about the prophets is that more often than not they zealously ‘advertise’ themselves to would-be clients and this they achieve extensively through both the use of the electronic and print media. Walking through the streets and crannies of Accra, one cannot help but read posters that seek to advertise some ‘prophetic’ event that promises to offer ‘fast track’ solution to prospective clients’ problems. A recent poster had as its theme: “Come for Prophetic Direction”.

But the electronic media is the one area that stimulates more unwholesome attack from fellow Pentecostal preachers who interpret the prophets’ actions as a sure sign of self-aggrandisement. Perhaps we need to understand that normally many of these prophets have no social standing. It is just by ‘sheer luck’ that they have suddenly become public figures and since they least expected to attain this status they become euphoric, hence all the advertising and unnecessary trumpeting of their credentials.

As has been indicated earlier, their messages mostly concern overseas travel, childbearing, protection and deliverance from wicked people, wealth/prosperity and business success, health and neutralisation of witchcraft and evil manipulation. Consequently, many have chosen nicknames which they believe depict their ‘anointed’ ministries. I have already mentioned Prophet Opambour Ebenezer Adarkwa-Yiadom above. ‘Opambour’ literally means ‘mender of rocks’. By implication the prophet asserts that seekers’ problems are repairable so far as they go to him. Inherent in many prophetic claims is the fact that no problem is insurmountable. This reveals clearly in Rev. Seer Tony Asamoah Boateng’s nickname, Apae Live (literally, the yoke is broken live). So is the stress on the instantaneity, accuracy and precision of solutions to problems. We can see this in Prophet Eric Kwasi Amponsah’s accolade, ‘Computer Man’. Indeed, the list is inexhaustible.

What could underlie the lead of the prophets in the ‘media race’ is probably the fact that much of the money that goes into church ministry is now with them. They seem to be the current sensation in town with their ‘fast track’ solutions to clients’ quests and worries. In fact, they ‘fill in the gap’ and provide the ‘missing link’ seemingly left by the others with their telepathic and therapeutic knowledge and responses. Thus they attract all classes of people, many of whom have good standing in established churches.

Our argument that they are the current providers of the here-and-now solutions of the people is undergirded by the simple fact that despite their ‘theologically’ simple use of Scripture they still attract a great following. Their ritualistic practices have suffered lots of criticisms. Indeed, some ministers from the Pentecostal movement are the foremost critics of the prophets. Maybe those ministers criticise out of several motives. These may not exclude envy and jealousy. The fact that the prophets are depriving them of their clients and in effect depleting their coffers of funds should be a great cause of worry. Or perhaps it is due to their desire to safeguard the unwary from falling prey to ‘wolfish sheep’ that they ‘zealously fight for the Lord’.

It is no understatement to say that Ghana’s new prophets fully utilise the current proliferation of the electronic media in the country to their advantage. Together with the mainline CMs pastors they have become more or less the pacesetters in media communication of the Christian evangelion.[48] In fact, Gifford accuses these churches/groups for their media-mania and their almost insensitivity to education and development projects. It is ironic they do not extend their ‘prophetic’ voice to national issues.[49] In fact, one CM pastor, Rev. Steve Mensah of the Charismatic Evangelistic Ministries (CEM), Legon-Accra, tied the media-mania of Ghanaian preachers, to their greed for popularity. He identified the Pentecostal church’s powerlessness as its insensitivity to the poor, desire for political recognition, love for money and prayerlessness. According to him this craving or public image makes them connive with North American televangelists to fake miracles. He lambasted, “When our eyes shift from prayer to money we become charlatans [and] comedians…” [50]

Prophetism and Gender Theology

Ghanaian women have been known to stand side by side with their male counterparts in Christian ministry. For example, it was one of McKeown’s women, Afua Kuma, whose adoration of Jesus the Christ has provided the ingredient for grassroots theology, as the works of Kwame Bediako, a Ghanaian missiologists show.[51] Again, women like Christiana Obo will not be forgotten in the annals of COP. This woman made personal sacrifices by offering her precious jewels for sale to provide financial support to Pastor McKeown’s ministry at its infant stages.

Actually, Mrs. Christiana Obo’s supportive role in McKeown’s ministry echoed Lucan account of women’s contribution in Jesus’ ministry (Luke 8:1-3). Luke’s account shows how women like Mary of Magdala, Joanna and others supported Jesus’ ministry from their own financial and material resources. These were women who had benefited from Jesus’ healing and deliverance ministry and had decided to follow and support him from their own resources. Their appreciation and recognition of the significance of Jesus’ ministry reached its climactic point when they visited his tomb-side on the resurrection morning. Significantly, this was when their men folks were hiding under tables (Luke 24: 1ff)! The supportive ministry of such women leaves a model for the corporate mission of the church.

With all probability it appears prophetism is one ministry that Ghanaian women seem to fully realise their Christian ministry. This was the situation in the days of the AICs and it is equally so today. Today, it is not uncommon to find women appearing on prophetic and evangelistic programmes of churches. Some are themselves prophetesses. For example, the poster of the Temple of Jerusalem Bible Ministry International presented ‘A 7-Day Consuming Fire Revival’. Its hostess was Prophetess Mrs. Bernice Ohene, the General Overseer of the church. Underneath the poster was the statement: The Bible says where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is liberty (2 Cor. 3:17). While it is not clear what this Spirit liberty implies it will not be incorrect to tie this to the liberation of women to participate in Christian mission per the prophetic ministry. After all a casual observation of the religious scene in Ghana will show that females form the greater bulk of participants at Pentecostal prophetic meetings.

The significant impact of women in Ghanaian Pentecostal prophetism comes out clearly in how the COP demonstrated its recognition of two of its ‘prophetess-healers’. During the church’s 36^th General Council Meeting at the Pentecost University College, Sowutuom, in Accra (11^_14 May, 2006) both Auntie Grace Mensah and Maame Sarah had citations read for them. Moreover, the church’s General Secretary, Apostle Alfred Koduah also presented gifts to them. Auntie Grace is the founder and prophetess of the Abura Edumfa Bethlehem Prayer Revival Centre while Maame Sarah is of the Goka Prayer Centre. What was clear in the citations was the church’s satisfaction of their humility, submission and availability to be used by God to bring salvation to many through their healing/prophetic ministries.

The problem is that although COP benefits immensely from the ministerial gifts of the women yet it does not have a place for them in its ordained ministry. No woman is called into COP’s ordained ministries of apostle, prophet, evangelist, and pastor/teacher. In fact, the highest a woman can attain in this church is a deaconess or/and a women’s leader of its Women’s Movement. Even women founders and leaders of prayer centres are officially called deaconesses. When we consider that the church thrives greatly on both the spiritual and material support of the women then one is left to think that there is a high demand of ‘gender justice’ in its pastoral recruitment.

The presence of females in the current prophetic ministry of Ghanaian Pentecostalism resonates the somewhat gender ideology of the Sunsum Sorè.[52] It provides a sign of hope and a recipe for African feminist agitation against the marginalisation of women in the sacramental ministry of the Christian church.[53] For instance, Adekunle A. Alalade observes that any God-talk without women is incomplete for “without women there can be no gospel”.[54] And this is why Louise Tappa identifies the Christological task as the working out of the full humanity of the reality of the Christ-event for humanity. She further argues that with the Christ-event there is a rupture in sexual barriers of all times.[55] Thus modern Pentecostal prophets like their forebears, the AICs, set a stage for a liberating human wholeness.

Conclusion

In this paper I have shown that prophetism has been part of Ghanaian Christianity appearing in various phases of the Ghanaian Pentecostal experience. The current prophetism in Ghanaian Pentecostalism is not something totally new. Rather, it has an historical antecedent with the AIC prophetism. It is the fifth phase in the country’s Christian prophetism. Also the contemporary Pentecostal prophetism shares some, albeit subdued, resemblances with the AICs. We also noted the significant challenge the phenomenon poses to the gender imbalance in the church’s sacramental ministry. This new prophetism understands the importance of music and worship on one hand, and the media on the other, in the dissemination of the Christian gospel. Nonetheless, its use of these can sometimes be problematic and become a mixed-blessing to the church. This cannot be captured any better than Apostle Ntumy’s submission that the prophetic gift is a gift from God to the church. Yet like any other gift it can be used or abused.[56]

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[1] Michael Griffiths, Serving Grace: Gifts without “ ” (MARC Europe; OMF Books, 1986), pp. 50, 51.

[2] Africa was the first non-Palestinian centre that received Christian witness after that historic descent of the Holy Spirit on Pentecost. The remnants of the church on the continent date back to the fourth century in what has come to be known as the Coptic Church in Egypt and the Orthodox Church of Ethiopia. See Earle Cairns, Christianity through the Centuries (Grand Rapids: Zondervan Publishing House, 1967), p. 26.

[3] Opoku Onyinah, Back to Prophetism: An Examination into the Assimilation of An Aspect of African “Spirituality” To West African Pentecostalism http://Www.Familyma.Com/ICPT%2004%20Johannesburg/ICPT%20papers/ICPT%20O-Onyinah.Htm,

[4] E. K. Larbi, Pentecostalism: Eddies of Ghanaian Christianity (Accra: CPCS, 2001), pp. 57-69.

[5] Johnson Asamoah-Gyadu, “Renewal within African Christianity: A Study of Some Current Historical and Theological Developments within Independent Indigenous Pentecostalism in Ghana”, a PhD Thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham, UK (2000), pp. 14-22

[6] Virginia Torvestad, “The Organisation of Spiritual Churches” in The Rise of Independent Churches in Ghana (Accra: Asempa Publishers, 1990), p. 37.

[7] C.G. Baëta, Prophetism in Ghana: A Study of Some ‘Spiritual’ Churches (London: SCM, 1962), p. 36.

[8] See David A. Shank, Prophet Harris: ‘The Black Elijah’ of West Africa, Jocelyn Murray (abridged) (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1994); Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu, African Charismatics: Current Developments Within Independent Indigenous Pentecostalism In Ghana (Leiden: E .J. Brill, 2005); Larbi, Pentecostalism.

[9] See C.G. Baëta, Prophetism in Ghana.

[10] Opoku Onyinah, Akan Witchcraft and the Concept of Exorcism in the Church of Pentecost, a Ph.D thesis (Birmingham: University of Birmingham, Feb., 2002), p. 206.

[11] Kwame Bediako, Jesus in Africa: The Christian Gospel in African History and Experience (Carlisle, Cumbria: Paternoster Publishing, 2000), p. 3. See also Ogbu U. Kalu, “African Christianity: An Overview” in Ogbu U. Kalu (ed.), African Christianity: An African Story (PDF edition), (Trenton, NJ & Asmara, Eriterea, Africa World Press Inc., 2007), p. 37.

[12] See R. W. Wyllie, “Pioneers of Ghanaian Pentecostalism: Peter Anim and James McKeown”, Journal of Religion in Africa 6.2 (1974), pp. 109-22.

[13] Onyinah, “Akan Witchcraft”.

[14] Samuel Adubofour, “Evangelical Para-Church Movement in Ghanaian Christianity: (1950 to Early 1990s)” an unpublished Ph.D Thesis submitted to the University of Edinburgh (1994), p. 183.

[15] Adubofour, “Evangelical Para-Church Movement”, p. 187.

[16] Paul Gifford, Ghana’s New Christianity: Pentecostalism in a Globalising African Economy (London: Hurst & Co., 2004), pp. D5-6.

[17] Onyinah, “Akan Witchcraft”, pp. 196, 252.

[18] Onyinah, “Akan Witchcraft”, pp. 196, 252.

[19] Onyinah, “Akan Witchcraft”, p. 252.

[20] Kwasi Addo Sampong, “The Growth of Prayer Centres in Ghanaian Christianity: The Quest for Health and Wholeness”, an unpublished MTh dissertation submitted to the Regents Theological College, UK. (June, 2000), p. 1.

[21] Research report submitted by Rev. Moses Ntow Kwafo at the Pentecostal/Charismatic Studies class of the School of Theology and Missions, Central University College, Accra. June 16, 2012.

[22] Sampong, “The Growth of Prayer Centres”, pp. 1, 2. See also Cephas N. Omenyo, Pentecost outside Pentecostalism: a Study of the Development of Charismatic Renewal in the Mainline Churches in Ghana (Zoetermeer, The Netherlands: Boekencentrum Publishing House, 2006).

[23] Onyinah, “Akan Witchcraft”, 252. See also Larbi, Pentecostalism, p. 367.

[24] Alfred Koduah, “An Evaluation of the Significant Religious Practices of the Church of Pentecost in Ghana and Its Relationship to Wider Ghanaian Society”. An unpublished MTh. Dissertation submitted to the Regents Theological College, UK (July 2002), p. 21.

[25] J. Max. Asimeng, Salvation, Social Crisis and the Human Condition (Accra: Ghana Universities Press, 1995), p. 33.

[26] Joseph Quayesi-Amakye, ‘Prosperity and Prophecy in African Pentecostalism’. Journal of Pentecostal Theology 20, (2011).p. 296

[27] E. K. Larbi, Pentecostalism, p. 426.

[28] Larbi, Pentecostalism, p. 425.

[29] J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu, “‘On the ‘Mountain’ of the Lord’ Healing Pilgrimages in Ghanaian Christianity” in Freek Bakker et al. (eds.), Exchange: Journal of Missiological and Ecumenical Research, Brill, 2007, p. 67; pp. 65-86. See also Onyinah, “Deliverance as a Way of Confronting Witchcraft in Modern Africa: Ghana as a Case History” in Asian Journal of Pentecostal Studies (Jan. 2002), 5.1, p. 111.

[30] Onyinah, “Akan Witchcraft”, p. 253.

[31] Onyinah, “Akan Witchcraft”, p. 252.

[32] During my visit to Elder Andoh’s Down Town Revival Centre we found some Muslim clients who testified to the saving grace of the Lord Jesus Christ. 29^th September, 2005.

[33] Larbi, Pentecostalism, p. 379.

[34] I personally attended the said crusade was organised at the Darkuman Circle Station, Accra on December 14-16, 2005.

[35] Personal observation at Down Town Prayer Centre, Kasoa. 29th September 2005.

[36] Onyinah, Back to Prophetism, p. 10.

[37] Bishop James Saah, Audio cassette recording of Opening Address. 4^th June 2006.

[38] Adubofour, “Evangelical Para-Church Movement”, pp. 252-58.

[39] Rosalind I. J. Hackett, “Charismatic/Pentecostal Appropriation of Media Technologies in Nigeria and Ghana” in Journal of Religion in Africa, XXVIII. 3 (1998), p. 260.

[40] Miracle service at the Family Bible Church at Mataheko, Accra. 10^th November, 2005.

[41] R. B. Y. Scott, The Relevance of the Prophets: An Introduction to the Old Testament Prophets and their Message (rev. ed.) (London: Macmillan Company, 1944), p. 3.

[42] Baëta, Prophetism, 140.

[43] Bernhard W. Anderson, Understanding the Old Testament (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1975), p. 228.

[44] Peace FM held a discussion with Collins and Ophelia Nyantakyi, a couple at the centre of a Fox FM’s, Kumasi-based FM station, allegation of their consultation of fetish powers for the promotion of their gospel music. The couple denied the allegation and challenged their accusers to prove its allegation. Peace FM, an Accra-based radio station Sunday, morning 30 October, 2006.

[45] V. Randall, “The Media and Religion in Third World Politics” in Jeff Haynes (ed.), Religion, Globalisation and Political Culture in the Third World (London: Macmillan Press Ltd., and New York: St. Martin’s Press, Inc., 1999), pp. 45-66.

[46] Asamoah-Gyadu, “Renewal within African Christianity”, p. 45.

[47] Hackett, “Charismatic/Pentecostal Appropriation of Media Technologies”, pp. 258- 267.

[48] Randall, “The Media”, pp. 45-66.

[49] Gifford, Ghana’s New Christianity, 33.

[50] Rev. Steve Mensah, 1^st National Prophetic Leadership Conference, held at Prayer Cathedral, Christian Action Faith Ministries. Accra. 4^th -8^th June, 2006.

[51] Kwame Bediako, Jesus in Africa: The Christian Gospel in African History and Experience (Carlisle, Cumbria: Paternoster Publishing, 2000), p. 8. See also his book Jesus in African Culture: A Ghanaian Perspective (Accra: Asempa Publishers, 1998), p. 44.

[52] Asamoah-Gyadu, “Renewal Within”, pp. 78-9.

[53] Teresa Okure, “Women in the Bible” in Virginia Fabella and Mercy Amba Oduyoye (eds.), With Passion and Compassion: Third World Women Doing Theology, Maryknoll, N.Y: Orbis Books, 1988), pp. 47-59. Also in Mercy Amba Oduyoye, “Feminism: A Pre-Condition for a Christian Anthropology” in African Theological Journal, 11.3 (1982), pp. 193-208.

[54] Adekunle A. Alalade, “An Address” in Protus O. Kemdirim and Mercy A. Oduyoye (eds.), Women, Culture and Theological Education (Enugu, Nigeria: SNAAP Press, Ltd., 1998), p. 11.

[55] Louise Tappa, “The Christ Event From the Viewpoint of African Women: A Protestant Perspective” in Virginia Fabella and Mercy Amba Oduyoye (eds.), With Passion Compassion: Third World Women Doing Theology (Maryknoll, N.Y.: Orbis Books, 1988), pp. 30-32.

[56] Apostle M. K. Ntumy, an audio cassette recording of message delivered at the 1^st National Prophetic Leadership Conference at Prayer Cathedral of the Christian Action Faith Ministries, Accra. 4^th June 2006.