‘The Normal Vision’:
Revival thought in a leading Australian Pentecostal Journal (Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger) 1928-1948.
by Mark Hutchinson
Paper Delivered at the Pentecostal Heritage Conference, Heritage 2003: Revival, Southern Cross College, July 2003.
Introduction
This is a survey of 240 articles referring to revival in a database of 1320 articles printed in the official magazine of the movement which would become Australia’s largest Pentecostal movement, the Assemblies of God. The magazine, called in its combined form the Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, registered nearly one fifth of its total content on revival related topics, between the years 1928-1948. By any count, this is a large percentage, and indicates the centrality of the ideas of revival and revivalism to the movement. While there are significant irregularities in the collection to date, the supporting data is sufficiently complete to allow indicative findings to emerge from questions probing the data. Obviously, this has meant glossing over a number of apparent and interesting subtleties, and so fuller exploration will be required in the future. The aim of the present paper, however, is to develop an initial taxonomy of the uses of the term ‘revival’ in this most important of early Australian Pentecostal papers. This will be tested later in ongoing work as the database expands.
The taxonomy
The c. 240 entries were classified according to the usage of the first hit on the word ‘revival’ in the article concerned. Four significant usages seemed to emerge, based on the fact that Pentecostalism is a movement which emerges from the fin-de-siecle concatenation of holiness Methodism and evangelical revivalism. The first use of ‘Revival’ is thus as a word which refers to the experience of evangelical churches at significant periods in their past, often at critical moments of foundation. So, in our survey, we find that nearly half (49%) of the references relate to particular or past persons or events involved in revivals or revivalism. This in itself is interesting, as it suggests that much of the early theologizing of the movement was in fact historical theology, something which fits with Grant Wacker’s observation that early Pentecostalism was marked by pragmatism.[1] I will explore more of the roots of this below. The reason for resurrecting this sort of historical account, however, lies in the present description of Pentecostal identity – as groups of people often forced out or voluntarily separated from the major Christian traditions, early Pentecostals sought to create an identity for themselves out of the various available histories of Christian experience, reclaiming significant periods and people as ‘like us’. They were not alone in this – as Stuart Piggin has noted in his work on revival cycles, reinventing the past was an important element both of Wesley’s translation work, Edwards’ narratives of redemption, and the Pietists’ reenergisation of the Lutheran tradition. Indeed, the ability to synthesize a new present out of the elements of the past through a new vision of history is definitional to every charismatic moment, every form of renewal. So, the second use of the term ‘revival’ is as a homonym for the Pentecostal movement itself – Pentecostalism is the divine narrative which stretches back through the history of God’s reviving action among His people and stretches forward to the third use of the term, the coming great revival of the last days.[2] In this third sense, the hope for revival (often referred to as the ‘Spirit of Revival’) is definitional to Pentecostals because through their definition of faith as an historical force, revival is the mode by which faith will be proven to be true in the future. So, revival is the evidence of things unseen, the pragmatic proof of the presently unprovable. As such, it becomes a form of ecclesiology – those who have sufficient faith to await the coming revival will have their faith proved, and so will be the equivalent of the Calvinist elect. They will have persevered by the gift of faith, and so have reached the goal towards which faith is directed, God’s self-justification in the great revival of the end times. This leads us to the final sense of the word ‘revival’, which is a sense in which revival is depicted as a source for a functional ecclesiology, as the ‘normal’ state of the Christian life which depicts present deviations as abnormal. In this sense, the future hope becomes a means of disciplining the church in the present by reference to its backslidden nature, of maintaining personal control by Pentecostal leaders who can evidence their chosen status through charismatic giftings, and of explaining the lapsed and inadequate who folded back into the present abnormal and so failed to reach the future, normative state. In this sense, the use of the word has important organising principles for Pentecostal and revivalist churches, which lead to repeated articulations of the attributes of revival as a baseline against which the present state of particular churches can be assessed.
So, in summ, in this first ‘rough cut’ study, there appear four major areas of meaning, the frequency of which can be assessed as follows:
Table 1:
| Area | Theme | % of Total |
| 1 | Past or Present reality | 49% |
| 2 | Homonym for Pentecostalism | 6% |
| 3 |
Future reality |
28% |
| 4 | Attributional/ Theological | 17% |
It is also possible to look at variations in the way in which the term is used. The distribution of hits in the database across the period can be represented as in Graph 1. There are three significant peaks – 1929, 1931, and 1939. The first and the last of these relate to the rise in end times predictions which the journal’s editor, Leila Buchanan, collected from around the world. Presented under the title of ‘Watchtower Warnings’, the crises sparked by the global Depression and by the run up to World War II, provoked considerable interest in Bible prophecy among Pentecostals and evangelicals alike. Linked to this was the prediction of the great end times revival, and so the rise of Mussolini and later Hitler, as the antichrist of the end times also implied evidence that the great end times revival was at least on the horizon, if not just around the corner. It is perhaps not surprising that the amount of reference to revival declines during the war – reports from American journals (which also feature some of the hundreds of Pentecostals to be found among the American forces staging through Australia in support of the Pacific campaign) and with regard to the suppressed activities of the Australian churches did not encourage revival speculation. Nor was there space to speculate – paper restrictions and censorship ensured that what went into wartime journals was much more closely considered than had been the case prior to the war. The peak in 1931, by contrast, can be explained by the advent of William Booth-Clibborn and his revival band, who preached in Sydney before heading to Brisbane to begin a revival campaign which would be foundational in establishing the Assemblies of God in that state. Again, Leila Buchanan and her husband were at the heart of this activity, and so reports in Booth-Clibborn’s Canvas Cathedral Coo-ee overlap considerably with Buchanan’s later interests in the Glad Tidings’ Messenger.
Graph 1: See PDF button at head of page.
When we look at the particular distribution of revival themes (see Graph 2) we note the following:
1. The contribution of revival as a past or present reality is less important to the 1929 peak than the 1931 peak, suggesting the centrality of the revivalist in Booth-Clibborn’s campaign, as opposed to the expectation of future revival per se. This latter is relatively more important in the 1929 peak and again in 1939.
2. The idea of revival as a form of ecclesiology declines across the whole period, suggesting that revival declines as a present reality and has more importance in an increasingly marginalised and institutionalised church as a future expectation.
3. Thinking about and conceptualising revival (in terms of its attributes, etc) is more closely related to holding onto an eschatological expectation of revival than it is to the holding before people of historical and present examples of revivalism or revivalists. In other words, it may be the case that the present reality of a charismatic revivalist may in fact occlude either theological conceptualisation generally or the conceptualisation of revival in particular, and may even become a replacement for it. Holding a ‘revival meeting’ becomes more important than actually experiencing revival, the charismatic figure captures the ground otherwise occupied by the charismatic.
4. The use of ‘the revival’ as a way of referring to Pentecostalism declines relatively from the beginning and maintains a steady presence in the movement.
Graph 2: See PDF button at head of page.
Theme 1: Revival as a Past or Present Reality
In categorising the occurrences of the word revival, the first theme emerges as references to real people or events – either past or present – which are described as revivals. The list of those included is instructive. Excluding revival ‘methods’ such as hymns etc, there are 159 cases in which revival is mentioned, which can be carved up in the following way (Table 2):
Table 2:
| Subject | Hits | % |
| Bible | 5 | 3 |
| Person | 64 | 40 |
| Meeting | 17 | 11 |
| Event | 9 | 6 |
| Campaign | 17 | 11 |
| Movement | 16 | 10 |
| Revival | 31 | 19 |
| Totals | 159 | 100 |
Here it can be seen that the largest proportion of ‘hits’ refers to the activities of individuals, among whom William Booth Clibborn is naturally the most significant. If we remove him, the most popular reference is to John Wesley, then George Whitefield, and then a group including John Sung, Maria Woodworth Etter, Martin Luther, Prayer Hyde and Charles Finney on level pegging. If we group the floreats of these people into centuries we get an idea of the relative weight of intellectual influence on revivalist ideas: Wesley is the largest single influence, as is the Evangelical Awakening of the 18th Century. Leaders from the revivals of the 19th and 20th centuries receive about equivalent mentions, suggesting that holiness doctrine (19th century) and Pentecostal experience (20th century) remained in tension within the revivalist thought of the pre-war period, though both were still caught up in the great doctrine of salvation which dominated the earlier period. Revival is still about many being saved, and it is towards witness and mission that spiritual experience and personal righteousness are oriented as sources of power for the completion of the redemptive mission of God. As Kelso Glover noted in the Evangel which announced the coming visit of Welsh revivalist Stephen Jeffreys, the aim of revival was ‘that God will pour out his Spirit and that many souls shall be born into the kingdom and the hearts of His people revived.’[3] Experience per se and ultra-holiness were either marginal or later issues for Pentecostals in Australia. The Baptism in the Holy Spirit is for power rather than for fulfilment. Given the Queensland dominance of the journal, it is perhaps little surprise that the most frequently mentioned revivals are the Welsh revival and the Indian revivals, both proximate rather than immediate causes of the rise of Pentecostalism in Australia – the Sunshine Revival, which took place in 1926 in Victoria, and was so important for Victoria, SA, WA and NSW, rarely gets a mention in the Glad Tidings Messenger or in the Evangel. When she writes of ‘Australia’s Pentecost’, the editor Leila Buchanan jumps over Sunshine and goes directly back to 1908, to her mother’s experience which led to the foundation of Good News Hall. It was only later, with the decline of Good News Hall, Buchanan’s own departure from the scene, and the continuing institutional strength of Richmond Temple in the burgeoning AOG, that Charles Greenwood, Sunshine and A C Valdez would be considered among the founders of Australian Pentecostalism.
Such observations display the importance of ‘Revival’ as a heuristic through which Pentecostals could interpret and reconstruct their past. Revival was the glorious line of God’s action which could unite an otherwise perhaps unwilling Luther or a slightly less unwilling Wesley into the common history of the vibrant Church of God. It united disparate individuals with great social movements, often separated from one another by hundreds of years or thousands of miles. Each, though dead, could speak to the present as a member of the great cloud of witnesses, because they too were part of God’s continuous, reviving Spirit active in the world. As Jeffreys, not known for his tact, was given to say, ‘he does not care who the man is, if he preaches the old-time Gospel in the power of the Spirit, he will have the old-time results.’[4] An article republished from the American journal, the Pentecostal Evangel, gave a sense of this continuity of the past with looking forward into the future which was even now pressing upon the Church:
Now, recollect, that in Enoch's ministry, we have the pattern of that message which shall be spoken by the last generation of the just. In the midst of the great affliction, men of Enoch's character will look up unto heaven and say: Behold, the Lord cometh! In all ages of the church, certain truths have been peculiarly prominent at different times. Just as justification by Christ's righteousness alone, was especially preached in the days of Luther, and God's sovereignty in the days of Romaine and Toplady; just as the glory of the law has been brought forward in the revivals of '59 and '60, with unusual distinctness; so shall the doctrine of the Lord's coming and kingdom take the first place in all preaching, as we draw near the time of the end.
So urgent will seem the need of Christ, and so intense the desire for Him in those days of the world's utmost darkness, that every subject will appear of minor importance compared to that which treats of millennial glory, and millennial judgment.
Behold, He cometh![5]
Theme 2: Homonym for Pentecostalism
It is always difficult for scholars to remember the distinction between their categories and the subjects of their research. The subject must be allowed an objectivity, even a certain unknowability, which the category (as a conscious invention which is thus purely perceptible by the consciousness) does not have. With regard to the study of Pentecostalism, something one always comes back to is the fact that early Pentecostals did not think of themselves as part of an ‘-ism’ – ‘Pentecostalism’ is scholars shorthand, and usually the shorthand of scholars who do not know the inside narrative of their subject. (Consequently, it has been a notoriously difficult term in the literature to define.) Early Pentecostals referred to the Latter Rain, to the Last Days, to the End Times move of God, to the great Revival of which they were part (indeed, many South American Pentecostals refer to what they are part of simply as ‘what God is doing’). As a republished article from the British Pentecostal paper, Redemption Tidings, noted, using the motif of Sampson’s hair growing back in the restored power of the Church in latter days:
From that gross darkness that covered the church, there was a man crept on his hands and knees. Martin Luther peered through that darkness, and, seeing a faint ray of light streaming through the cloister, cried out, "Salvation is by faith." That was the first sign of hair on that shorn head. John Wesley came along and preached sanctification. The hair had grown out now just a little longer. He believed all that Luther believed and more. The hair of the churches had grown in Wesley's day till it could be parted in the middle. Salvation and sanctification, and her hair began to grow. God raised up men like Firmey, Moody, and so on, to sweep the country. And in this latter day evangelists have gone everywhere to herald the tidings that "Jesus is coming." Thus the truth of the Second Coming has been heralded everywhere.
God reached down in that fashionable Presbyterian Church in New York City and pulled out Dr. A. B. Simpson, and said to him, "I want you to start the Christian and Missionary Alliance, and teach the doctrine of healing for the body." The truth that God raised them up to emphasise was Christ for the body. No religious movement has emphasised that truth more than they. Dr. Dowie also emphasised the truth of Divine Healing, and our hair continued to grow. Finally, someone read, "It shall come to pass that in the last days I will pour out My Spirit upon all flesh," and they heard of little sprinklings here and there, out on the west coast, in the east, in India, and all over the world. God opened the heavens and caused it to rain, and we had a sweeping revival. And it is still raining, praise God! Our hair is still growing, and it is still raining. Thank God for Pentecost. I do not believe we have yet seen the best, but that God in these latter days will put a new chapter in the Acts of the Apostles.[6]
For Pentecostals, therefore, ‘revival’ was simply what God was doing now, and as such was identical to what He was doing among them right now. In that sense, ‘revival’, ‘the revival’, ‘pentecost’ and ‘Pentecost’ were all identical terms. This is the key to Pentecostal pragmatism and interdenominationalism – what, after all, was the use of fighting about theological differences which emerged in a past revival when the revival was not past? It was still going on, an ever-present now which pointed to the ever-approaching future. It is thus incorrect (as some have) to suggest that Pentecostals do not have a sense of the past or a grasp on history– they do. The past is a continuity of now in another place – history is not dismissed, but collapsed into the present. The all important phrase from Acts 2:16: ‘This is that which was spoken by the prophet Joel.” This is that. What is revival? Revival is what God wants to do now, it is the normal Christian life. What then holds it back – why are not the churches, even the Pentecostal ones, experiencing it day by day? This was the question which above all others came to fascinate their churches – hence the final two themes relating to the nature of revival: revival as future reality, and the theology of revival.
Theme 3: Revival as Future Reality.
One of the most familiar statements about the vision for a coming revival in early Australian Pentecostalism is linked to the story of the prophet Elijah, (1 Kings 18:44) who stood upon the mount awaiting for God to prove himself (and so his prophet’s ministry) to the King by the sending of rain. As Archibald Brown wrote of the 1928 Melbourne Convention,
IF THE "CLOUD LIKE A MAN'S HAND " was the evidence to Elijah that rain was coming, surely the Convention at Richmond Temple is an indication to us that the Revival we are looking and praying for is not very far away.[7]
The saints together overcame their social and religious marginality, and their fellowship pre-visioned the forthcoming revival, which would itself be a pre-vision of the heavenly promise. Its aspects were generally agreed upon: the coming revival would be:
1. sooner rather than later – in Brown’s terms, ‘not very far away’ or as H. Clarkson wrote from Orange in the afterglow of a visit by Donald Gee, ‘The Revival is close upon us. Let us press on’.[8]
2. nationwide – the journal indeed based its development assumptions on constant growth: “As the Revival spreads over Australia (and it depends a lot on what you are prepared to do and suffer),” Kelso Glover wrote, “the circulation of the "Evangel" will increase to such an extent that we will be able to dispose of it at the small price of 3d. or so.”[9]
3. foreseen by ‘evidences’:[10] in the demonstration of the Spirit and power by anointed ministers, e.g. C L Greenwood;[11] in the prayerful hunger of congregations;[12] in surprising works of God in surprising places (such as among the down and out) and in sudden ways (such as through the rapid change in technologies available for spreading the gospel); in personal purity and a change of heart; and ‘greater unity in the bonds of love and peace’.[13] Charles Enticknap prayed: ‘that Revival shall come, so that the Lord's people may be revived and souls saved, bodies healed, and believers baptised in the Holy Spirit.’[14]
4. marked by the commitment and recommitment of ‘great crowds’ of joyous souls, the forerunners of which were the evangelistic campaigns of leading ministers and evangelists such as Briton Smith Wigglesworth, New Zealander Len Jones, or American Lester Sumrall,[15] but which activity will be set aside when God Himself decides to act: ‘in the meantime we look for revival when the Spirit says come, and the Bride says come that all sharing will say come also.’[16] In pursuit of this, Pentecostals committed themselves to laying aside every weight – in the long term even their own increasingly ineffective forms of mass evangelism – to pursue ‘the vision—the vision of a living Christ, of an abiding Spirit, and of a glorious Church.’[17]
5. opposed by anti-revival (such as the resurgence of paganism, or, in the early 1930s, the apparent resurgence of the Roman Empire under Mussolini),[18] and so the need to ‘stand boldly in the Gap, clad in the whole armor of God, and wrestle against the powers of darkness until we all hear the shout, the voice of the archangel and the trump of God… [which] may mean the greatest Revival the world has ever seen.’[19] The mark of opposition is persecution, and so joyful expectation was balanced by acknowledgement and acceptance of the need for present difficulties as a preparation for what must surely come.[20] To some degree this was necessary, as pentecosals happily borrowed from pre-millennial, fundamentalist and cessationist sources (such as Louis Baumann) as well as from Oberlin perfectionists with their emphasis on works and an implicit amillennialism. Overcoming the darker vision of the former from a faith-based perspective required a stance on persecution and declension as a forerunner of revival.[21] Over time, teachers such as J. Edwin Orr provided other ways out of this theological bind which the historical origins of Pentecostals put them in: ‘It is amazing what puny arguments are raised by people who deny the possibility of revival to-day -- often because of dispensational difficulties. I think this generally arises through ignorance of the meaning of revival.’[22]
6. historically inevitable, as part of the ‘dispensation of the Holy Spirit’.[23]
It was the end which justified almost any means, an end the closeness of which promoted the pragmatism intrinsic to the movement, which undermined fractious theologizing, and perhaps ironically increased fractious ministerial self-determination. It was the movement’s weakness – in terms of fragmentation – and its strength, in terms of providing a flexibility which underpinned its ability to side-step broader denominational decline from the 1960s.
Theme 4: The Attributes of Revival – the seeds of a Pentecostal theology.
In their haste to recreate the early church, Pentecostals could perhaps have predicted that they might also recreate some of the theological conundrums of the early church. Just as the delay of the parousia in the first century created the need for second century apologists and ecclesiologists, so the complexus of revival acted as a seedbed out of which the delayed ‘Great Revival’ began to ask questions about the adequacy of Pentecostal theology. What would this great revival look like, after all, and what is its biblical basis? What sort of church should develop to hold the expectant saints in their state of expectancy long enough for the revival itself to materialise?
For the former question, the nature of the revival suggested issues about the nature of God. Donald Gee, the British Pentecostal teacher, preached at Richmond Temple in 1928 on the emotions of God. His argument was as follows:
Now I am going to make a very startling statement to some of you, and that is that God is a God of emotion. And if God is emotional I am not ashamed of being like my Father. Don't come to me with your rubbish that there is no emotion in religion. You cannot have real religion without it, and you won't have a rea1 Revival without it. In Scotland [where Gee was pasturing at the time] they are crying for a Revival, but they want a Revival without emotion and they will never get it. There never has been a Revival without emotion. There never will be.[24]
Now, wrapped up in this is not only a break with Greek impassibility, but an acceptance of Revival as something particularly reflective of God and the godly life. An attribute of revival gives rise to theologizing about the nature of God and the acceptable boundaries of the human. Gee saw the Holy Spirit as doing precisely what was promised in the word – ‘leading into all truth’, including as attributes of the coming of revival
- an increase in the study of the Scriptures.
- an unveiling of the self in truth, leading to repentance and reconciliation
- the gift of a burning message of salvation
- the end of gossip, backbiting and disagreement
- mighty manifestations, including a continuous assault against the fortresses of darkness: “ A militant Church on the Charge - A Faith forever on the offensive -- A Christianity full of audacious venture and daring challenge. The story of the Acts of the Apostles glows with enthusiasm, with a zeal of Revival conquest. The Holy Ghost had given them a holy "GO!". Their Gospel meant "GO ye". Such momentum and power accompanied their glorious progress that it was said of them "Those that have turned the world upside-down have come hither also "(Acts 17:6)”[25]
- making Church alive: as William Booth-Clibborn proclaimed, “Revival should be the perpetual enjoyment of every assembly especially as our day of opportunity rapidly closes and Christ hastens His return. It is no use copying John Wesley or George Fox's ways of accomplishing their work. Their sermons are hopelessly out of date in their application though not in matter.”[26] And that life centres on the great verities: ‘The churches are getting stirred up where this Revival comes. The Blood of Christ is being honoured, the Atonement and Resurrection have become living realities, illuminated and made real by the power of the Holy Ghost. All who are filled with the Spirit centre their faith and hope in the finished work of Jesus Christ. The name of Jesus is constantly on the lips of Spirit-filled men and women.’[27]
Even this brief overview of the impact of revival thought on Pentecostalism indicates the depth to which Pentecostal thought, vision, ecclesiology, and theological development was tied into the revival matrix. When global cultures began to shift away from the intense, end of nineteenth century eschatological emphases of the soon return of Christ through the 1950s, and the confident growth of the 1970s turned into megachurches and so a decreasing plausibility structure for ideas of the remnant church, there was a natural deemphasis on the ‘end times’ (though there were notable fits and starts emerging from, for instance, the New Zealand based ministry of Barry Smith, recirculations of Harold Lindsell’s Late Great Planet Earth etc., and more recently the Left Behind series of novels). It would be difficult to claim, however, that the sudden return of Christ was a burning reality in contemporary Australian Pentecostal preaching, and in many of the places where it remains a factor, it is easier to find the doctrine serving ideological rather than theological purposes. The natural outcome of this has been the unravelling of the vision, pursuit and theology of revival in Australian Pentecostal churches. If, as Ron Kidd noted of the impact of broader denominational influences creeping into Pentecostalism through the influence of the charismatic movement, the 1980s saw the undoing of Canadian classical Pentecostal theology, the same may be said of the particularly Pentecostal nature of much of the theology presently done in Australian Pentecostal churches. Pentecostalism is a revival-oriented, missions sending movement made up of hugely various institutions and local organisations. The undoing of the revival matrix as a basis for common pursuit and common vision brings into question the whole national and cooperative vision which drove the early churches to affiliate into cooperative fellowships. The present disaffiliation of some traditionalist groups may or may not indicate spiritual decline in the Assemblies of God, but it certainly does indicate a fraying of the traditional means of reinforcing affiliation and cooperation. Harold Wiggins wondered in 1939, in the middle of a renewed sense of crisis with the oncoming of war:
… “how many have lost the normal vision, and have come to look upon those maintaining the same as abnormal! Grey hairs of spiritual decline are truly upon them and they know not.” It is possible that some Pentecostal believers have never received the true normal vision, but having been born into the kingdom at a time of “red-hot” Revival, they live for spiritual sensations and manifestations without developing a balance in their Christian experience of positive holiness. The inevitable result has been a tragic re-action when the storms of life have challenged their faith.[28]
Contemporary Pentecostalism lives in a time when few have experienced the actuality of a revival, even one as comparatively restricted as the Charismatic Renewal of the 1970s. The vision of revival which was the ‘normal vision’ of the pre-War period is no longer. Pentecostalism is thus suffering the natural outcomes of vision shift, but has perhaps not fully realized exactly how important and how central that vision of the end times Revival was in holding together the energy of the movement. I am not one of the doomsayers. As a movement, it has shown itself uncannily adaptive, as perhaps any movement which defines itself broadly as ‘what God is doing’ must be. If we really believe in a sovereign God, then He truly can sovereignly do anything, including revive a revivalist movement. For myself, when that happens, I don’t plan to be standing on the sidelines.
Endnotes:
[1] Grant Wacker, Heaven below: early Pentecostals and American culture, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard University Press, 2001.
[2] Edith Blumhofer, Restoring the faith: the Assemblies of God, pentecostalism, and American culture, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, c1993.
[3] Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 8, February 1, 1929, p.8.
[4] Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 8, February 1, 1929, p.8.
[5] Australian Evangel, vol. 4. no. 9, March 1, 1930, pp.11-12.
[6] Australian Evangel, vol. 4. no. 1, July 1, 1929, pp.5-6.
[7] Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 2, August 11 1928, p.8.
[8] Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 4, September 1 1928, p.10.
[9] Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 1, July 1, 1928, p.8.
[10] Dalton Armstrong, 'Close Ups with the Assemblies: Bendigo', Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, vol. 4, no. 8, July, 1938, p.9.
[11] Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 3, August 11 1928, p.10.
[12] Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 7. January 1, 1929, p.9; Australian Evangel, vol. 4. no. 2, August 1, 1929, p.8.
[13] Alice Salter, 'Importunity', Australian Evangel, vol. 4, no. 4, October 5, 1929, p.10; James H. Andrews, ‘Foreign Mission Work: China’, Australian Evangel, vol. 4, no. 5, November 1, 1929, p.10; A. C. Valdez Sr., ‘Sanctification’, Australian Evangel, vol. 4.no. 9, March 1, 1929, p.2; ‘Do you want Revival?’, Australian Evangel, vol. 4. no. 11, May 1, 1930, p.7; C. W. Reid, ‘Close-Ups with the Assemblies: Adelaide, SA.’, Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, vol. 4, no. 11, October, 1938, p.10.
[14] Charles G. Enticknap, 'Close Up's with the Assemblies: Maryborough,' Glad Tidings Messenger, Vol.1, no.1, November 1934, p.13.
[15] See for instance, G. Greig’s description of the youth outreach in Prahran, ‘Pentecostal Young People’s Movement’, Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 12, June 1, 1929, p.9; P. Duncan, 'A Message to God's Grammarians: Mind those Spiritual H’s!', Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, vol. 5, no.7, June 1939,p.3.
[16] Australian Evangel, vol. 4. no. 8, February 1, 1930, p.9.
[17] Donald Gee, 'The Need of the Hour', Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, vol. 6, no. 1, p.12.
[18] F. D. Frost, ‘Watchtower Warnings: The End of This Doomed World,’ Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, vol. 1. no. 8. January 6, 1935, p.7.
[19] ‘Thou wilt keep him in perfect peace whose mind is stayed on Thee,’ Pentecostal Evangel, in Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 8. February 1, 1929, p.12.
[20] J. C. Beruldsen, ‘Foreign Mission Work: China’, Australian Evangel, vol. 4. no. 3. September 1, 1929, p.12.
[21] L. Baumann, ‘No Real Evidence of any Great Revival’, in King’s Business, quoted in Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, Vol.5, no.3, March, 1939, p.7.
[22] J. Edwin Orr, 'What I think of the Hope of Revival', Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, Vol. 5, no.11, October 1939, p.3
[23] Harold Moss, ‘What is the Basis of the Pentecostal Message?’, Australian Evangel, vol. 3. no. 12, June 1, 1929, p.2.
[24] D. Gee, ‘The Emotions of God’, Australian Evangel, vol. 3, no. 2, July 1, 1928, p.2.
[25] W. Booth-Clibborn, ‘Offend, Never Defend’, Canvas Cathedral Coo-ee, July 5, 1931.
[26] W. Booth-Clibborn, ‘Modern Means and Methods’, Canvas Cathedral Coo-ee, Nov 8, 1931.
[27] T. B. Barratt, ‘Pentecost with Tongues from Heaven not from Below’, Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, vol. 6, no.9, August 1940, p.11.
[28] H. E. Wiggins, ‘Unconscious Deterioration’, Australian Evangel and Glad Tidings Messenger, vol.5, no.3, March, 1939, p.8.
© Southern Cross College, 2004.